E these people, certainly, when they had voted, each one of them in each one of us, did not wait that this House was paralyzed in the work in favor of Republic. We are without fighting for our flags and are in holding as the pupils badly-educated in a room of aula' '. The Brazilian, main interested in the active position and exmio character of these men, does not correspond an example, and nor the least to an inspector of diverse attitudes of the preset ones and waiting for the society, in regards to the daily politician. One disapproves the attitudes, one says that the politics is a subject that does not interest, and leaves of side the right duty/that we, while citizens, temosde to charge and to become ostensive the vision of the society. Demstenes Senator towers (DEM) questioned with vehemence the last events, saying: ' ' So that the Senate exists? So that the National Congress exists? We are a flock of fouchs (people without character), lesser figures that come here with the only objective of the personal enrichment and does not stop defending the interests of the society? ' ' This is the questioning that the society makes during long years of public politics declared insolvent and representations inenarrveis, this is the positioning of the Brazilian people, and this is the initiative that the population must have, and does not have. We must review our ideals and analyze with rationality facts occurred in the field politician, so that our reality is modifificada and that these reiterated scenes are part of a bad past, thus, this laborious feeling of humilhao, vexame and he confronts, he will be substituido by the pride to be part of this country. Raphael Victoriense Pear tree
We would not go nor to the corner with Mr. Simon, whose inefficiency and lack of firmness to make obey and respect the law took, it to produce the slaughter of Bagua, has the hands stained with the blood of the innocents. It demonstrated that it is not enabled to administer the State, could not surpass the social conflicts, this in campaign electoraly thinks that offending the Mayor of Lima, the affection of the town is going to gain. I fight Chestnut grove is a simple, provincial, noble man, it walks in hills, the places, raises to the stairs in a city, talks and it has a discussion with the people, it does not have liking of " loro" nor of " cacata" , like others. The problem is that Simon does not lose its old woman Marxist practices, gains " to him; rebel who takes adentro" , he thinks that the efficiency of the State is reduced to rocked and the delay of solutions, for that reason happened the one of Bagua, with the sacrifice of lives in the most useless form, he is the person in charge and must render accounts to the relatives of the fallen ones. What happens, is that Simon thinks that to be " loro" , it is the suitable form to make policy in Peru, creates to serve to the country administering vrebo to him and the cheap adjective, creating hatreds, dividing to the country, postegardo decisions.
Finally, its game does not do more than to remember the fable to me of the Toad and the Firefly, since the affection is clear that has the town to him to I fight Chestnut grove by its efficient and quiet work. Simon does not resist " luz" of Chestnut grove, it would want to extinguish the light, like many others. The green color it has left small and thus Christian says itself. With respect to the trees, him memory that this management is most successful in ecology, to the date already seeded 80 000 trees and in Chorrillos 3000 will be seeded, in the bordering zone of the station and. While Chestnut grove constructs and it unites to the Peruvians, others seed ryegrass and hatred by envy. Lima 14 of August of 2009 I am thankful for its diffusion Parliamentary group National Alliance Original author and source of the article.
Congressman Walter Menchola, coordinator of the Support battalion for the modernization, received to the Delegation of Congressmen Norteamericanos with the aim of sharing professional information and experiences between pairs of the Chamber of Representatives of the United States and the Congress of the Republic of Peru in the matter of legislative investigation and technology of the information. The American Congressmen today subscribed to 2:00 p.m. an agreement Frame of Cooperation, in the chamber " Raul Barrenechea" Clubs; , which will allow to offer a valuable technical support and to modernize to our first power of the State. The table of honor for them company/signature of the agreement was presided over by the presdente of the Congress, White Luis I castrate and the Coordinator of the Support battalion of the Directive Table for the Modernization of the Congress of the Republic, Congressman Walter Menchola, and the delegation of Congressmen Norteamericanos conformed by the gentlemen Congressmen: David Dreier: Democrat of the State of Carolina of the North in the Camera of Representatives of the United States, with studies in theology and doctorate in Political Sciences of the University of Yale. David Price was professor of Political Sciences in the University of Duke, has written several books on structure of the American government and is a leader recognized by its academic knowledge in subjects of foreign policy.Congressman Price was chosen to the Congress in 1987 and she evolves as President of the Subcommittee of Appropriations of the Commission of Internal Subjects and is member of the commissions of transport, urban development and environment. From 2007, Congressman Price President of the House Democracy Assistance Commission acts as HDAC whose mission is to promote the development and legislative fortification. Lois Capps: The 17 of March of 1998, the lady Congressman Lois Capps administered an oath to her position like member – elect by first time to 105 Congress of the United States of America. .
CiU and GNP abstained in extremis after to have agreed to with the Government the prevalence of the autonomic agreements on those of state scope. The reform is endorsed neither by unions nor by the employer’s association. ' indignados' they protest against the reform. All the keys of the text. The Government has been able to confirm this Wednesday in the Congress the decree of collective negotiation with 169 votes to favor, 159 against and 20 abstentions. The socialist parliamentary group has been the unique one that has voted in favor of the reform, that now will be transacted like project of law before the demand of the different parties.
The initiative has counted with the votes against the PP, ERC, IU-ICV, BNG and UPyD. The parliamentary groups of CiU and GNP have decided to abstain in the voting of the Congress after they agreed to with the Government and the PSOE that stays the prevalence of the autonomic agreements on those of state scope in case of concurrence, according to have informed parliamentary sources. This form, the Government makes sure that the norm is ratified by Cortes regardless of that throughout its procedure as law project can be modified with the introduction of amendments. According to the parliamentary spokesman of CiU is outstanding, Josep Antoni Duran Lleida, the Government is had it jeopardize to include in the introduction of the law the entailment between wages and productivity. Although it has recognized that the incorporation of this rule in the introduction lacks legal force, since the fixation of the wages must be decided between employers and workers, Last has made emphasis to the journalists in which it will allow to mark rules for the future agreements. Nevertheless, the Valeriano, Secretary of Labor the Go’mez, has discarded who during the parliamentary procedure of the reform of the collective negotiation take place substantial changes of the norm as a result of the agreements with GNP and CiU.
The sport and the recreation, comprise of the education and constitute social public cost. The right of all the people is clear the recreation, the practice of the sport and the advantage of the free time. The State will foment these activities and will inspect, it will watch and control the sport and recreational organizations whose structure and property will have to be democratic. (Modified by Legislative Act Number 2 of 2000) ARTICLE 53. The Congress will send the statute of the work. The corresponding law will consider the following fundamental minimum principles at least: Equality of opportunities for the workers; vital and movable, proportional remuneration minimum to the amount and quality of work; stability in the use; irrenunciabilidad to the established minimum benefits in labor norms; faculties to transigir and to conciliate on uncertain and debatable rights; more favorable situation to the worker in case of doubt in the application and interpretation of the formal sources of right; priority of the reality on formalities established by the subjects of the labor relations; guarantee to the social security, the qualification, the training and the necessary rest; special protection to the woman, the maternity and the minor worker. The state guarantees right to the opportune payment and the periodic readjustment of the legal pensions. The international treaties of the work properly ratified, are part of the internal legislation.
The law, the contracts, the agreements and agreements of work, cannot reduce the freedom, the human dignity nor the rights of the workers. ARTICLE 54. It is obligation of the State and the employers to offer formation and professional and technical qualification to require those who it. The State must cause the labor location of the people in age to work and to guarantee to the handicapped people the right to a work in agreement with its conditions of health. ARTICLE 55. The right of collective negotiation is guaranteed to regulate the labor relations, with the exceptions that the law indicates.
The anarchists, for its extremism and aggressiveness of its leaders, had finished for gaining more prominence in the medias and the forms of repression lead by the bourgeois classroom. The tactics for which the anarchists had been known were the direct action; they condemned any type of participation of the work force in the consisting governments and considered the general strikes as form of desestabilizar capitalist system e, at the same time, as form to incite the spirits of the laboring classroom. The idea of the direct action age to catch the bourgeois classroom of surprise, at a moment where its industrial activities were paralyzed by a general strike. In 1890 it is created by a group of socialist the first Laboring Party of Brazil. This party carries through two congresses, the first one in 1892 and as in 1902.
At this moment the working-class movement in Brazil takes as vindicative guideline general flags not only of the Working-class movement but of all Brazilian Diligent Classroom: direct elections with universal suffrage, institution of the minimum wage, prohibition of the infantile work and hours of working of eight hours. In 1890 Brazil was an agricultural country still, the laboring classroom only started if to consolidate in the following decade. What we had of concrete in the working-class movement was the start of the implantation of the ideologies of the European left in the rising Brazilian unionism. With industrialization from the following decade, the work force of the country grows and structure its organizations. The textile sector age what possua more diligent: in the year of 1900, 4579 workers in this sector in 1905, 6298; in 1911, 13396; in 1915, 17978. Of 15 the 20 of April of 1906 are carried through in the city of Rio De Janeiro the first Brazilian Laboring Congress. This congress counted on the presence of 37 laboring organizations, had been approved in it teses of character anarco syndicalistic as: the performance of the syndical movement for the direct action without practical mediating, strikes generalities as main bargaining power of the laboring classroom.
Its social organization, the originary customs, languages, beliefs and traditions, and rights are recognized to the indians on the lands that traditionally occupy, competing to the Union demarcating them, protecting and making to respect all its bens.’ ‘ 1 Is traditionally busy lands for the indians for inhabited them in permanent character, the used ones for its productive activities, essential to the preservation of the necessary environmental resources its physical and cultural reproduction, according to its uses, customs and traditions. 2 the traditionally busy lands for the indians destines it its permanent ownership, fitting the exclusive fruition to them of the wealth of the ground, the rivers and the lakes in existing them. 3 the exploitation of the hdricos, enclosed resources the energy potentials, the research only cultivates and it of the mineral wealth in aboriginal lands can to be accomplished with authorization of the National Congress, heard the affected communities, being assured the participation to them in the results of cultivates, in the form of the law. 4 the lands that it deals with this article is inalienable and unavailable, and the rights on them, imprescriptible. 5 is forbidden the removal of the aboriginal groups of its lands, saved, ad referendum of the National Congress, in case of catastrophe or epidemic that puts its population at risk, or in the interest of the sovereignty of the Country, after deliberation of the National Congress, guaranteeing, in any hypothesis, the immediate return as soon as it ceases the risk. 6 Is null and extinct, not producing effect, the acts that have for object the occupation, the domain and the ownership of lands legal the one that if relates this article, or the exploration of the natural wealth of the ground, the rivers and the lakes in existing them, excepted excellent public interest of the Union, according to that to make use complementary law, not generating nullity and the right extinguishing to the indemnity or the action against the Union, saved, in the form of the law, how much to the improvements derived from the good-faith occupation.
However, they do not leave to present many similarities, that, also confuse, them. Also it is a fact of that all the Political parties have, of latent form or manifest form, a project of society for the Country. this, necessarily, must be strong anchored in the territorial dimension. So that the State promotes well-being, it is imperative that the population and its activities if organize in a definite space context that involves reciprocal interdependences. Thus, a nation project passes for the coordination of diverse aspects interrelated that they occur inside of a space and secular landmark presenting existing restrictions of territorial occupation in data moment, front the future perspectives. The territory if characterizes for the functions that exert. The activities and services that give are multiple, and the efficiency of the territorial system as a whole does not depend on optimum or worse equipment of each one of its components, face to the functions that fits to them to play, but yes of the proper localization, that if translates the conditions of accessibility to the goods and services for all.
Thus being, the localization aspects are not only arrested to the territorial order, having strong impact in the capacity of the State in organizing and to manage offers of goods and services that, in last instance, materialize the essence of a project of society, inhaled for the Political parties, independently of its ideological trends. It is necessary that the Political parties are prepared and its enabled members if to locate front to the questions that if they relate to the territory. This will be the waited case of the quarrels, works and public consultations, in the National Congress, when of the elaboration of laws that intervene, in a way or of another one, in the process of territorial development. With the performance territorial militancy of the Political parties, its representatives fulfilling mandate in the National Congress will be apt to participate proactively of that process.
Fight antiapartheid: the process (reverse speed) volucionrio. The period of the Apartheid comes folloied of the fight anti-racist in the South Africa. In 1912 the CNA- is established African National Congress, that was the first one organization politics of the blacks in the country. This age formed initially for egresses of the schools kept for European missionaries and its first leaders they believed the possibility of quarrel with the Africnderes on the segregation laws. In 1940, the CNA adopted then a strategy of not violent resistance and in the period of social World War II they had had some mobilization and strikes that desestabilizavam the order of the system politician tax for the Africner.
In 1952, Ghandi influences a campaign of civil disobedience, that has great adhesion and is restrained violently. In 1955, the racist front if extends with the Letter of the Freedom, revolutionary document importantssimo, also made with the participation of Indians, mulatos, liberal and socialist, marked a new phase in the movement of resistance and emancipation of the blacks, Asians and mestizos. This document denounced the Apartheid radically and aimed at its abolition and redistribution of wealth. It appears after strikes a more radical sector, inside of the CNA, led for Mandela and Tambo. In 1958, is created the CPA? Congress Pan-African, that was sectors of the CNA that did not agree to the multiracial politics of the movement and in the following year it breaches with the CNA. Both, the CAP and CNA, had organized national campaigns antipasses and the two organizations, with the communist party had together been ranks in the illegality. CNA created then ' ' mk' ' the CAP, ' ' poqo' ' , armed arms for the movement. Some years later, Mandela and other leaders had been imprisoned and Oliver Tambo assumed the command of the fight of the exile. The conscription of the people and the magnifying of the guerrilla were hindered for the repression and lack of support of the neighboring countries that lived under the domain of the allies of the Africaners.
Consequences the data of the research presented in the article When the image turns case democracy: Aspects of the diffidence in the Brazilian National Congress (Enrique, 2010), consolidate, through study, in a scientific bias, what already if it made general voice in what it refers to the vision that the diverse public have of the Legislative one, of its agents, the politicians, and of its representation. The clear demonstration of that the National Congress is very on this side of what of it if it waits is in the fact of that the reliable lack is generalized in the population. The aggravating one, however, inhabits in the fact of that in social clippings of bigger income (Enrique, 2010? p.18) and of bigger escolaridade (ibid, p.15), the diffidence level is significantly bigger. It is not treated, therefore of the parapatolgica trend of the conscience of certain uninformed individuals in teorizar, without any knowledge or information regarding the subject, expressing irresponsibly, then, a theoretical point of view or assumptions on the performance negative of the Congress. The perceptions expressed for this group of people, critical/conscientious, with bigger degree of airway lighting? natural consequence of bigger escolarizao; with important level of access to the information – decurrent of domicile in privileged geographic localization, as the Southeastern south/and the great centers; with raised cognitiva capacity more; they characterize the negative perceptions and they justify a bigger concern in the persistence of them parliamentarians for the improvement of this image. Despite perceptions of people or groups less abalizados if present more favorable much less critical e, still, that they are such groups or people – in absolute numbers – significantly bigger of what those that compose the parcel of the conscientious ones, belong to this last clipping the formadores of opinion. These, while elements most informed, connaisseur? s, has greater probability to lead those to the position taking front to the possibilities that if present to them, therefore, its perception tends to lock up greater relative impact in the evaluation of the negative or positive trustworthiness of the study object.